1. Logo Partai Golkar 2014
2. Logo Partai Golkar Terbaru

Arti Logo Partai Golkar Gambar: Lambang Partai Golkar berupa pohon beringin yang dikelilingi untaian padi dan kapas dalam perisai segi lima, dengan pita bertuliskan GOLONGAN KARYA di bagian bawahnya. Pohon beringin bermakna melindungi yang berarti Partai Golkar memberi perlindungan bagi rakyat Indonesia. Padi dan kapas merupakan lambang kesejahteraan sosial untuk rakyat Indonesia. May 10, 2014 - PDI Perjuangan menjadi pemenang pemilu dengan meraih 23.681.471 suara disusul Partai Golkar dengan 18.432.312 suara. Arti Logo Partai Golkar Lambang Partai Golkar berupa pohon beringin yang dikelilingi untaian padi dan kapas dalam perisai segi lima, dengan pita bertuliskan GOLONGAN KARYA di bagian bawahnya. Pohon beringin bermakna melindungi yang berarti Partai Golkar memberi perlindungan bagi rakyat Indonesia.

The Golkar Party or Party of Functional Groups (Indonesian: Partai Golongan Karya) is a political party in Indonesia. It was founded as Sekber Golkar (Sekretariat Bersama Golongan Karya, Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups) in 1964, and participated for the first time in 1971 as Golkar (Golongan Karya, Functional Groups). At this point, Golkar was not a political party. In 1999, forced by the new election law, the groups reformed itself as a political party.

Golkar was the Indonesian ruling group from 1971 to 1999, under PresidentsSuharto and B. J. Habibie. It subsequently join the ruling coalitions under presidents Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Sukarnoputri, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. When President Joko Widodo of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle was elected in 2014, Golkar initially joined an opposition coalition led by former general Prabowo Subianto but in 2016 switched its allegiance to Widodo's government.^[5]

• 2History
• 5Election results

Origins[edit]

In 1959, President Sukarno introduced his concept of Guided Democracy, in which so-called functional groups would play a role in government in place of political parties. The Indonesian National Armed Forces supported its creation because it believed these groups would balance the growing strength of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). In 1960, Sukarno awarded sectoral groups such as teachers, the Armed Forces and the Indonesian National Police, workers and artists seats in the Mutual Cooperation - People's Representative Council. As some of the members of these functional groups were linked to political parties, this gave political influence to the National Armed Forces. The TNI then established an anti-PKI trade union, the Central Organization of Indonesian Workers, or Soksi (Sentral Organisasi Karyawan Swadiri Indonesia), and used this as the core of an Armed Forces-led Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups, or Sekber Golkar, which was officially established on 20 October 1964.^[6] By 1968 there were almost 250 organisations under the Sekber umbrella. On 22 November 1969 they were organized into seven main organizations, or Kino (Kelompok Induk Organisasi), namely Soksi, Kosgoro (Union of Mutual Cooperation Multifunction Organizations), MKGR (Mutual Assistance Families Association), Gerakan Karya Rakyat (People's Working Movement), Ormas Hankam (Defense and Security Mass Organizations), Professi (professional organizations), and Gerakan Pembangunan (Development Movement).^[7][8] The Joint Secretariat was one of those organisations moblized against the Communist Party (PKI) in the aftermath of the failure of the 30 September Movement in 1965.

History[edit]

Suharto and Golkar[edit]

In March 1968, General Suharto was officially elected by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) as Indonesia's second president. Because of his military background, Suharto was not affiliated to any political parties. Suharto had never expressed much interest in party politics. However, if he were to be elected for a second term as president, he needed to align himself with a political party. Originally, Suharto had shown interest in aligning with the Indonesian National Party (PNI) — the party of his predecessor, Sukarno.^[9] But in seeking to distance himself from the old regime, Suharto settled on Golkar.

Suharto then ordered his closest associate, Ali Murtopo, to transform Golkar and turn it into an electoral machine. Under Murtopo, and with Suharto's supervision, Golkar was turned from a federation of NGOs into a political party. Under Suharto, Golkar continued to portray itself as a non-ideological entity, without favoritism or political agendas. It promised to focus on 'economic development' and 'stability' rather than a specific ideological goal.^[10] Golkar also began identifying itself with the government, encouraging civil servants to vote for it as a sign of loyalty to the government.

Murtopo claimed that workers were a functional group, which by rights ought to be subsumed under Golkar: 'thus all unions were united into a single body answerable to the state. The population was no longer there to be mobilised by political parties, rather, the people were the 'floating mass', or the 'ignorant mass', who needed firm guidance so they would not be lured into politics. In order to 'Golkar-ize' the nation, Murtopo sometimes used the military and gangs of young thugs to eliminate political competition.^[11]

Golkar declared on 4 February 1970, that it would participate in the 1971 legislative elections. Suharto's alignment with Golkar paid dividends when Golkar won 62% of the votes and an overwhelming majority in the People's Representative Council (DPR). The members of DPR also doubled as members as MPR and thus Suharto was easily re-elected to a second term as President in March 1973.

The 1971 legislative election was a success for Golkar and Suharto. Strengthened by his re-election, Suharto quickly began tightening his grip on Golkar. Control was increased in October 1973 with the implementation of a less democratic and more centralized system headed by a Chairman. In October 1978, after his re-election to a 3rd term, Suharto further consolidated his control of Golkar by being elected Chairman of the Executive Board (Ketua Dewan Pembina), a position whose authority supersedes even the party chairman. From this position, Suharto had the supreme power in Golkar while leaving the day-to-day running of Golkar to the chairman.

Aside from being dominated by Suharto, Golkar was also an organization dominated by the Armed Forces. Out of the four people that served as Golkar Chairman during the New Order, three had a military background as officers. It was only in the last years of Suharto's rule that Harmoko, a civilian, was elected as Golkar chairman.

Electoral dominance in the New Order[edit]

Golkar continued to dominate Indonesian politics well beyond the 1971 legislative elections. In subsequent New Order legislative elections, Golkar won 62% (1977), 64% (1982), 73% (1987), 68% (1992), and 74% (1997). Golkar's dominance was so absolute that for most of the Suharto era, Indonesia was effectively a one-party state. Suharto was able to pass his bills without any meaningful opposition, and was able to form a Cabinet which consisted only of Golkar appointees.

After 1973, Suharto banned all political parties but for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and the United Development Party (PPP). These two parties were nominally permitted to contest the reign of Golkar. In practice, however, Golkar permitted only a semblance of competition. The state controlled the only television station in Indonesia (until 1989, with advent of RCTI), and elections were 'exercises in controlled aggression.' Elections were ritualized performances of 'choice,' in which local authorities were to obey directives about Golkar's electoral results in their area. A system of rewards, punishments, and violence meted out by thugs helped to guarantee cooperation across the archipelago, and the perpetual reelection of Golkar.^[12]

After the 1977 and 1997 legislative elections, there were claims of electoral fraud launched by the party, who together with Golkar were the only legal political parties after 1973. There were also claims of Golkar members intimidating the electorate to vote for Golkar.

Organisation and factions[edit]

During the New Order Golkar was divided into three factions:

• The ABRI faction: Consisted of members of the Indonesian armed forces who under Suharto played a dominant role in political affairs. This faction was headed by the ABRI Commander and was commonly known as the A faction.
• The Bureaucrats (Birokrat) faction: Consisted of Golkar members who belonged within the Government bureaucracy. This faction was headed by the Home Affairs Minister and was commonly known as the B faction.
• The Groups (Utusan Golongan) faction: Consisted of Golkar members who were neither armed forces servicemen nor the bureaucracy. This faction was headed by the Golkar Chairman and was commonly known as the G faction.

These three factions worked closely together to gain consensus and in the case of nominating a presidential candidate it was the heads of these three factions who went to inform the candidate (which until 1998 was Suharto) that he had just been nominated as Golkar's Presidential candidate. The three factions did not always work together however. In 1988, the ABRI faction was unable to nominate Sudharmono as vice president. The factions disappeared along with the fall of the New Order.

After Suharto: Reformasi and beyond[edit]

With Suharto's fall from power in May 1998, Golkar quickly sought to adapt and reform itself. In July 1998, a Special National Congress was held to elect the next chairman of Golkar. The congress was dogged by protests by both pro-Suharto and anti-Suharto groups. Suharto himself did not come to the congress. In the contest that followed, Akbar Tanjung emerged as the new chairman of Golkar after beating Army General Edi Sudrajat. It was the first time that a Golkar chairman was elected democratically rather than appointed by the chairman of the executive board. Under Akbar, the Executive Board was abolished and replaced by an Advisory Board which had considerably less authority.

In 1999, Golkar lost its first democratic legislative election to Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P. Golkar won 20% of the votes and was the runner-up in the legislative elections. Despite losing these elections Golkar was still able to secure the Tanjung's election as Head of DPR. October 1999 would see the MPR assemble for its General Session during which a President and a Vice President would be elected. It was widely expected that Golkar would support Jusuf Habibie in his bid for a second term as president. Before Habibie could be nominated, however, he was required to deliver an accountability speech: a report delivered by the President to the MPR at the end of his term. The MPR would not ratify the accountability speech and it was revealed that some Golkar members had voted against ratifying the speech.

Golkar would get its revenge on PDI-P in the presidential elections. Although PDI-P had won the legislative elections, Golkar joined forces with the Central Axis, a political coalition put together by MPR Chairman Amien Rais, to nominate and successfully secure the election of Abdurrahman Wahid as president. Golkar, however, was unable to stop the election of Megawati as the vice president.

Golkar was rewarded for its support of Wahid by having its members appointed to ministerial positions in Wahid's Cabinet. Much like those who had supported Wahid, Golkar would grow disillusioned with Wahid. In April 2000, Jusuf Kalla, a Golkar member who held position as Minister of Industries and Trade was sacked from his position. When Golkar inquired as to why this was done, Wahid alleged it was because of corruption. In July 2001, Golkar, along with its Central Axis allies, held an MPR Special Session to replace President Wahid with Megawati.

By 2004, the reformist sentiments that had led PDI-P to victory in the 1999 legislative elections had died down. Many Indonesians were disappointed with what Reformasi had achieved thus far and were also disillusioned with Megawati's presidency. Such discontent enabled Golkar to emerged victorious in the 2004 legislative elections with 21% of the votes.

Unlike the other political parties who had one person as their presidential candidate from the start, Golkar had five. In April 2004, Golkar held a national convention to decide who would become Golkar's candidate for president. These five were Akbar Tanjung, General Wiranto, Lieutenant-General Prabowo, Aburizal Bakrie, and Surya Paloh. Akbar won the first round of elections but Wiranto emerged as the winner in the second round. Wiranto chose Solahuddin Wahid as his running mate.

The Presidential Elections were held on 5 July 2004. The first round of elections was won by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Yusuf Kalla who faced Megawati and Hasyim in the September 2004 run-off. Wiranto/Wahid came second and there were allegations of disunity within the party with Akbar not fully supporting Wiranto after losing the nomination.

In August 2004 Golkar formed, with PDI-P, PPP, Reform Star Party (PBR) and Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), a national coalition to back Megawati. Further infighting would hamper Golkar in its bid to back Megawati. Fahmi Idris led a group of Golkar members in defecting and threw their support behind Yudhoyono and Kalla. At the Presidential Run-Off in September 2004, Yudhoyono emerged victorious over Megawati to become Indonesia's 6th president. Yusuf Kalla, who had gone his own way back in April 2004, became vice president.

2004 National Congress[edit]

Although he had overwhelmingly won the presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the DPR. His own Democratic Party had only won 7% in the legislative elections and even combined with other parties who had aligned themselves with the new government, they still had to contend with the legislative muscle of Golkar and PDI-P who now intended to play the role of opposition.

With a National Congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed Head of DPR Agung Laksono to become Golkar chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship.

This was a widely controversial move. Up to that point, Yudhoyono had not let members of his administration hold a concurrent position in political parties to prevent the possible abuse of power. There were also complaints by Wiranto who claimed that some months earlier, Yudhoyono had promised to support him if he ran for the Golkar chairmanship.

On 19 December 2004, Kalla became the new Golkar chairman with over 50% of the votes. Akbar, who had expected to win a second term as Golkar chairman, was defeated with 30% of the votes. Agung and Surya, who Yudhoyono and Kalla had backed earlier, became the party vice chairman and the chairman of the advisory board, respectively.

Kalla's new appointment as chairman of Golkar significantly strengthened Yudhoyono's government in Parliament and left the PDI-P as the only major opposition party in the DPR.

2009 National Congress[edit]

At the 2009 Congress, held in Pekanbaru, Aburizal Bakrie was elected chairman, winning 269 out of 583 votes, and beating Surya Paloh into second place. Surya Paloh then went on to establish the National Democratic organization, which in turn established the National Democratic Party.^[13][14]

Party platform: Vision 2045[edit]

Under chairman Aburizal Bakrie, the party has produced a blueprint known as 'Vision Indonesia 2045: A Prosperous Nation' with the aim of making Indonesia a developed nation by the centenary of the country's independence in 2045. The plan comprises three stages each lasting a decade. The key strategies in the vision comprise developing Indonesia from the villages, strengthening the role of the state, quality economic growth, equalizing incomes, ensuring even development in all areas, quality education and healthcare, strengthening communities, sustained economic development, upholding the law and human rights, industrial development based on technology and revitalization of agriculture and trade.

The first decade would lay the foundations for a developed nation, the second would accelerate development and the final decade would see Indonesia become a developed nation. Each stage would have targets for indicators such as economic growth, GDP, and levels of unemployment and poverty.^[15]

List of Chairmen[edit]

• Brig. Gen. Djuhartono (1964–1969)
• Maj. Gen. Suprapto Sukowati (1969–1973)
• Maj. Gen. Amir Murtono (1973–1983)
• Lt. Gen. Sudharmono (1983–1988)
• Lt. Gen. Wahono (1988–1993)
• Harmoko (1993–1998)
• Akbar Tanjung (1998–2004)
• Jusuf Kalla (2004–2009)
• Aburizal Bakrie (2009–2014)
• Disputed between Aburizal Bakrie and Agung Laksono (2014–2016)
• Setya Novanto (2016–2017)
• Airlangga Hartarto (2017–present)

Election results[edit]

Legislative election results[edit]

Presidential election results[edit]

Note: Bold text indicates Golkar Party member

Notes[edit]

1. ^Ibrahim, Gibran Maulana (14 December 2017). 'Jadi Ketum Golkar, Airlangga Serahkan Jabatan Menterinya ke Jokowi'. detikcom. Retrieved 14 December 2017.
2. ^Ramadhani, Nurul Fitri (23 January 2018). 'Golkar eyes big prize in 2019 poll'. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved 25 January 2018.
3. ^'Indonesia's election'. The Economist. 24 March 2009.
4. ^Jakarta: 'Jumlah Kursi & Fraksi DPRD DKI Jakarta Periode 2014-2019' (in Indonesian). DPRD DKI Jakarta.
   North Kalimantan: 'Seluruh Parpol Kebagian Kursi di DPRD Kaltara'. JPNN (in Indonesian). 29 April 2014.
   All others: 'Data Perolehan Kursi DPRD Kabupaten Kota' (in Indonesian). University of Indonesia.
5. ^'Golkar declares support for Jokowi'. The Jakarta Post via PressReader.com. 28 July 2016.
6. ^'Sejarah Partai Golkar'. Golkar official site.
7. ^Nishihara 1972, p. 17-19.
8. ^Ricklefs 2008, p. 243.
9. ^Elson 2001, p. 186.
10. ^Elson 2001, p. 187.
11. ^Vickers 2005, p. 162.
12. ^Vickers 2005, p. 175.
13. ^'Aburizal Bakrie Elected New Golkar Party Chairman; Tommy Suharto Gets No Votes'. Jakarta Globe.
14. ^'Surya Paloh told to choose between Golkar, National Democratic'. Jakarta Post. 29 July 2011. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016.
15. ^'Visi Negara Kesejahteraan 2045'(PDF) (in Indonesian). Golkar Party. Archived from the original(PDF) on April 21, 2015.
16. ^'Pemilu 1971 - KPU' (in Indonesian). Komisi Pemilihan Umum Republik Indonesia. 21 February 2008. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
17. ^ ^abcde'Pemilu 1977-1997 - KPU' (in Indonesian). Komisi Pemilihan Umum Republik Indonesia. 21 February 2008. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
18. ^'Pemilu 1999 - KPU' (in Indonesian). Komisi Pemilihan Umum Republik Indonesia. 21 February 2008. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
19. ^ ^ab'Bab V - Hasil Pemilu - KPU'(PDF) (in Indonesian). Komisi Pemilihan Umum Republik Indonesia. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
20. ^'KPU sahkan hasil pemilu, PDIP nomor satu' (in Indonesian). BBC. 10 May 2014. Retrieved 1 August 2018.
21. ^'New Golkar Chairman Confirms Support for Jokowi in 2019 Presidential Election'. Jakarta Globe.
22. ^'Koalisi Parpol Pendukung Mega-Hasyim Dideklarasikan'. Liputan6.com (in Indonesian). 19 August 2004. Retrieved 4 August 2018.
23. ^Wardah, Fathiyah (19 May 2014). '6 Parpol Dukung Pasangan Prabowo-Hatta dalam Pilpres'. Voice of America Indonesia (in Indonesian). Retrieved 1 August 2018.

References[edit]

• Elson, Robert (2001), Suharto: A Political Biography, Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-77326-1
• Nishihara, Masashi (1972), Golkar and the Indonesian elections of 1971, Modern Indonesia Project, Cornell University, ISBN978-0877630043
• Ricklefs, MC (2008), A History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1200 (revised ed.), Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN978-1137052018
• Vickers, Adrian (2005), A History of Modern Indonesia, Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-1139447614

External links[edit]

• (in Indonesian)Official site
• (in Indonesian)'Golkar Kembali Berkuasa Pasca-Orde Baru (article on the politicking leading up to Kalla's election as Golkar Chairman)'. Suara Merdeka. 20 December 2004. Archived from the original on 2 April 2017.
• (in Indonesian)'Asam di Gunung, Garam di Laut'. Tempo (in Indonesian). Archived from the original on March 5, 2016.

The Berkarya Party (English: Working Party) is an Indonesian political party formed in 2016. The party is led by the youngest son of former president and dictator Suharto, Hutomo Mandala Putra. Better known as Tommy Suharto, he is a convicted murderer by proxy.^[3] Berkarya was one of 16 political parties that contested Indonesia's 2019 general election. The party supported Tommy's former brother-in-law Prabowo Subianto for the presidency in 2019. Based on unofficial 'quick count' results, Berkarya failed to win a 4% threshold necessary to gain seats in the national parliament.^[4]

• 3Plans and policies
• 5Leadership
• 6Election results

Background[edit]

Tommy Suharto in 2009 contested the leadership of Golkar Party, his father's former political vehicle, but failed to win any votes.^[5] In 2016, it was announced that Tommy would again contest the Golkar leadership but he did not enter the race.^[6] Instead, he joined the newly formed Berkarya Party.

Berkarya is an amalgamation of Beringin Karya Party and National Republic (Nasrep) Party.^[7] It was established on 15 July 2016 to coincide with Tommy's birthday, and was recognized by the government as a legitimate political party on 17 October 2016.

Controversially, Berkarya Party uses Golkar's distinctive banyan tree logo and yellow color. Berkarya's founding chairwoman Neneng A. Tuty said these similarities were coincidental and not an effort to imitate Golkar.^[8]

In 2017, Berkarya announced it would nominate Tommy for the presidency for the 2019-2023 period 'to restore Indonesia's glory, such as food self-sufficiency, development and creating justice in the country'.^[9] Tommy's lawyer subsequently denied his client would be standing for election.^[10]

Eligibility for 2019 election[edit]

On 13 October 2017, Berkarya registered with the General Elections Commission (KPU) to compete in the 2019 general election.^[11] Berkarya claimed to have established its presence in all 34 Indonesian provinces and 514 regencies, in line with verification requirements for parties seeking to contest the 2019 election.^[12] On 14 December 2017, the KPU ruled that Berkarya was ineligible to contest the election because data submitted by the party concerning its membership in the regions was invalid.^[13] Berkarya filed an objection with the Elections Supervisory Agency (Bawaslu), insisting the party had met all membership requirements.^[14] KPU and Bawaslu officials later met with Berkarya treasurer Raden Mas Hendryanto. KPU member Hasyim Asy’ari on 4 January 2018 said the meeting determined Berkarya had met the requirements for verification at the central level.^[15] On 17 February 2018, KPU announced Berkarya was among 14 parties (later revised to 16 parties) eligible for the 2019 elections. The following day, when parties drew numbers to determine the order they would appear on ballot sheets, Berkarya drew number 7. Then-chairwoman Neneng A. Tuty said number 7 is lucky and she hoped it would help the party to victory.^[16] According to KPU data, Berkarya is present in 486 regencies and has 409,022 members, of whom 36.36% are women.^[17] After the party's qualification, all of Suharto's children joined Berkarya Party.^[18]

Plans and policies[edit]

Berkarya’s website states the party aims to fight for the people's aspirations and interests in every political and government decision and policy.^[19]

In February 2018, Tommy said if the party wins legislative seats in 2019, it would direct the government to better control state and regional budgets so programs favor the 'small people, not just a handful of people'.^[20] In March 2018, he said Berkarya would intensively approach politicians from other parties to join Berkarya.^[21]

Berkarya hopes to be ranked among the top three parties in 2019 by capitalizing on nostalgia for the Suharto era.^[22] Neneng in 2017 said Berkarya could be among the top two vote-winners in 2019 because many leaders want to join the party, while many people miss the prosperity of the Suharto era.^[23] In February 2018, party secretary general Badaruddin Andi Picunang said Berkarya is targeting 78 seats in the 2019 election, amounting to 13.7% of votes.^[24]

Berkarya in 2017 inaugurated a party wing called Perisai (meaning ‘Shield’, an acronym from Patriot Organisasi Pagar Negeri or National Fence Patriot Organization). Perisai Chairman Tri Joko Susilo said the organization aims to guard Tommy and the party’s agenda, and protect Indonesia from poverty, disintegration and global challenges. The organization would seek to improve commodity distribution chains to redress imbalances that presently favor middlemen over farmers. Perisai plans to gradually build warehouses or transit points for agricultural products, plantation products and fishermen's produce, so that middlemen will no longer exploit producers. Tri Joko said Perisai will help to restore Indonesia’s glory in food self-sufficiency by promoting the use of organic fertilizers to improve soil quality and yields.^[25]

Education policy: no school, books or uniforms[edit]

On 10 March 2018, Tommy outlined Berkarya’s education policy. He said Berkarya would introduce learning without going to school, as children could stay at home and learn through the internet. He said this system would save trillions of rupiah, as students would no longer need books or uniforms. He said smart cards could be used to pay for discounted tuition, while exams could take place in a single location. He said money saved on education spending could instead be spent on the people's economy.^[26][27]

Spending and infrastructure[edit]

Tommy has criticized President Joko Widodo’s administration for its intensive spending on infrastructure development.^[28] He said there should be a correction so that “village funds” are spent on people’s welfare programs. He also said state debt needs to be resolved soon lest it burden future generations.^[29]

No direct elections of governors[edit]

Tommy in March 2018 said provincial governors should be appointed by the president from a list of nominees submitted by provincial legislative assemblies, rather than being directly elected by the people.^[30]

Presidential candidate[edit]

In order to field a candidate in the 2019 presidential election, political parties needed at least 20% of the seats in parliament, or at least 25% of the popular vote, or they should form a coalition to come up with the requisite numbers.^[31]Emcee script sample opening ceremony.

In September 2017, when asked if he would run for presidency, Tommy said he was yet to think that far ahead, as he was focused on the party's verification.^[32] On 5 October 2017, Tommy's lawyer Erwin Kallo denied his client would be contesting the 2019 presidential election. He said Tommy did not wish to be actively involved in practical politics, adding that some 'fake accounts' on social media claimed mass organizations had met with Tommy and endorsed him to run.^[33] In March 2018, Berkarya secretary general Badaruddin Andi Picunang said all members of the party want Tommy as their presidential candidate, although he acknowledged it may be difficult for a new party to field its own candidate, so the selection would be determined at a national leadership meeting.^[34]

While Berkarya officials want Tommy as a presidential candidate, he may be ineligible to run for the nation's highest office. Under Indonesian Law No. 7 of 2017 on Elections, presidential candidates must not have been involved in corruption or any other serious criminal activity; must never have been involved in any despicable act; and must never have been sentenced to jail for more than five years.^[35] Tommy was in September 2000 convicted of corruption and sentenced to 18 months in jail by Supreme Court justice Syafiuddin Kartasasmita. Tommy went into hiding and paid two hitmen to murder Kartasasmita. The Supreme Court responded by overturning Tommy's corruption conviction.^[36] Tommy was in 2002 sentenced to 15 years in jail for murder, fleeing justice and possession of weapons and explosives. He was released on parole in 2006.^[37]

In August 2018, Berkarya joined a group of parties supporting Prabowo Subianto's candidacy for the 2019 presidential election.^[38]

In February 2019, senior Berkarya official Muchdi Purwopranjono announced his support for incumbent President Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo, defying the party's endorsement of Prabowo. Party executives rejected internal calls for Muchdi to be dismissed, saying his support for Jokowi was a personal matter.^[39]

Leadership[edit]

Tommy is chairman of the Party High Assembly and Board of Trustees. The party’s first chairperson was Neneng A. Tuty, a former boxing promoter who also led Nasrep Party and the right-wing nationalist militia group Laskar Merah Putih.^[40][41] On 11 March 2018, Neneng announced she was handing over the leadership of the party to Tommy.^[42]

Logo Partai Golkar 2014

Former Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, Rear Admiral Tedjo Purdijatno, is chairman of the party’s Advisory Council.^[43] Former Army Special Forces (Kopassus) chief and former State Intelligence Agency deputy chief Muchdi Purwopranjono is chairman of the party's Honorary Board.^[44] Former National Military Police chief and former intelligence chief of the Attorney General's Office, Syamsu Djalal, is chairman of the Advisory Board.

Veteran Golkar politician Priyo Budi Santoso in March 2018 accepted Tommy's invitation to join Berkarya as secretary general.^[45] He was formally installed as secretary general on 6 April, replacing Badaruddin Andi Picunang.^[46] Tommy's lawyer Elza Syarief and motivational speaker Mario Teguh were also reported to be joining Berkarya.^[47] The party in April 2018 said Mario had decided not to join but would instead play a behind-the-scenes role, whereas his wife, Linna Teguh, would join the party.^[48]

In June 2018, Tommy's sister Siti Hediati 'Titiek' Haryadi resigned from Golkar Party and joined Berkarya. Titiek, who ran for parliament in 2019 on Berkarya's ticket, complained her voice had never been heard in Golkar.^[49] Priyo Budi Santoso said Titiek would serve as chairwoman of Berkarya's Advisory Council and also as coordinator of the party's electoral commands.^[50]

Berkarya experienced internal conflict in July 2017 when Central Leadership Board executive Nurul Candrasari, a former Golkar official, was dismissed from her position.^[51] She responded by reporting Neneng and Badaruddin to police over her 'illegal' dismissal.^[52]

Central Leadership Board[edit]

• Party High Assembly Chairman: Hutomo Mandala Putra
• Advisory Council Chairman: Rear Admiral Tedjo Purdijatno
• Honorary Board Chairman: Muchdi Purwopranjono
• Advisory Board Chairman: Syamsu Djalal
• Board of Trustees Chairman: Hutomo Mandala Putra
• Experts Council Chairman: Ghozi Wahib Wahab

Board of Executives[edit]

• Chairman: Tommy Suharto
• Deputy Chairpersons: Yockie M. Hutagalung, Bambang Ibnu Hartomo, Soni Puji Sasono, Tintin Hendrayani, Muhammad Amin Luther, Ourida Seskania.^[53]
• Daily Affairs Chief: Achmad Goesra
• Secretary General: Priyo Budi Santoso
• General Treasurer: Raden Mas Hendryanto

List of Berkarya general chairpersons[edit]

• Neneng A. Tuty (2016–18)
• Tommy Suharto (2018–present)

Election results[edit]

Legislative election results[edit]

Presidential election results[edit]

Note: Bold text suggests the party's member

Controversies[edit]

Berkarya secretary general Badaruddin Andi Picunang in March 2018 confirmed convicted murderer Pollycarpus Budihari Priyanto had joined the party. He said Pollycarpus, who served eight years of a 14-year jail sentence for the 2004 murder of human rights activist Munir, has the same political rights as any citizen. He said Pollycarpus may feel Berkarya Party is the best match for channeling his political aspirations. He denied the presence of Pollycarpus and former state intelligence deputy chief Muchdi Purwopranjono would tarnish the party's image.^[54] 'We do not want to look at the backgrounds of people. What's important is being a member,' he said.^[55] Tommy also defended the decision to have a convicted murderer in his party. “I think the problem is a matter of the past. If indeed a person has been sentenced, [and] served his punishment, then in accordance with the Constitutional Court’s decision, the person shall have the same status as an ordinary civilian again,” he said on the sidelines of Berkarya’s National Leadership Meeting in Solo, Central Java, on 11 March 2018. Similarly, Muchdi said Pollycarpus has the right to join any party and stand for election.^[56]

In January 2018, the chairman of the Regional Leadership Council (DPW) of Berkarya's South Kalimantan chapter, Abdul Latif, was arrested by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) for allegedly accepting a Rp1 billion bribe related to a hospital project.^[57] Abdul is the head of Hulu Sungai Tengah regency and had quit Golkar Party in order to join Berkarya. Badaruddin said Berkarya would provide Abdul with legal aid and ensure he does not get dismissed from his position in the party.^[58] In August 2018, prosecutors at Central Jakarta Corruption Court recommended Abdul be sentenced to eight years in jail.^[59] On 20 September 2018, he was found guilty of accepting bribes of Rp3.6 billion and sentenced to six years in jail.^[60]

References[edit]

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